Nationalism and Political Consciousness in Gilgit-Baltistan

The German philosopher Hegel once said: “The only thing we learn from history is that we do not learn from history.” These wise words quite sumptuously describe the inhabitants of Gilgit-Baltistan in terms of their political consciousness and the amount of misconceptions that prevail among us regarding nationalist politics. Most of us have been associating ‘nationalism’ with ‘anti-state politics’ and still, there are many who label someone having nationalist ideas as anti-Pakistani. On the other hand, there has been a growing number of Gilgit-Baltistanis who have adopted nationalist political ideas claiming that this is the only way forward for Gilgit-Baltistan. This ideological tug-of-war has created confusion in the minds of ordinary Gilgit-Baltistanis who deserve to fully understand the matter. Therefore, it is the need of the hour to explain what nationalism truly is to the layman, especially the older generation, so that the process of spreading political consciousness across the region may be accelerated.

 Nationalism can be defined in simple terms as an ideology that emphasizes that land should be governed by the people ( i.e., the nation) that inhabit it, sovereign and free from outside influence. A nation is distinguished from another by a number of factors: ethnicity, culture, religion, language and geographic location, among others. Historically, nationalism has played a huge role on the global stage. We can say that the Muslim League, established in 1906, was a religio-nationalist party aimed at achieving sovereignty for one nation. The Muslim League’s most powerful ideological weapon was the Two-Nations Theory that distinguished Muslims as a separate nation from the rest of the subcontinent populace, and demanded self-rule for them. This theory signifies the nationalist elements of the Muslim League that later became the reason for the formation of Pakistan.

 We often hear that the best administrative solution for a state is rule of the people, by the people, and for the people. Similarly, the best political solution for Gilgit-Baltistan is a political party of Gilgit-Baltistanis, by Gilgit-Baltistanis and for Gilgit-Baltistanis. If we put down the reason quite simply, it is because only the natives can fully understand the problems and needs of Gilgit-Baltistan, only the natives can execute plans for the future of Gilgit-Baltistan, as a matter of life and death. However empathetic a federal party may be towards our homeland, its main aim and objective will always be to hold power and to have control over the region’s resources. For a federal political party, the future of GB is not a matter of life and death, but for us natives, it certainly has become. Therefore it is high time to forfeit hoping that a federal political party will be the messiah and deliver us from an impending doom. Rather, we must begin striving for our common future, which is our only hope and which can only be achieved via a united nationalist front.

With this picture of a united nationalist Gilgit-Baltistani front in mind, when one looks back at our history, one can only imagine what could have been, had there been a united Gilgit-Baltistani front in the past. I believe that we could have avoided much of the tragedies that Gilgit-Baltistan fell victim to, and whose aftermaths we still suffer. In 1895, the British added Chitral region to the North West Frontier Province for purely administrative purposes, even though both culturally and historically, it had always been a part of Gilgit-Baltistan since eternity. But the real antagonists of this chapter of our history were the masses of Gilgit-Baltistan and Chitral who, having no political consciousness whatsoever, didn’t even raise an eyebrow over the decision. Apparently they had been too short-sighted to see the consequences. Now we suffered the consequences in the form of the Shandur dispute, and a land divided. We suffer because we weren’t politically united and conscious.

Another instance is the Karachi Agreement, a document signed by the governments of Pakistan and Azad Kashmir on April 29, 1949, through which Kashmir ceded complete control of the Northern Areas (GB) to the government of Pakistan, including the control over defence, foreign affairs, and communication in the area. The natives of the area were not even asked for an opinion on such a huge decision regarding their own future, perhaps because the natives didn’t even know that such a decision was being made.

A most recent instance that exemplifies the misfortune we have suffered due to the lack of political consciousness in GB is the sectarian tensions that peaked in 1988. Outside influence was what ignited the fire of hate that burned hundreds of houses and destroyed the peace of this land. Now imagine the presence of a combined nationalist front at that time, fighting hard to prevent the outside intervention destroy the harmony of our motherland. After all,  it only would have taken the blockade of just one road to prevent all the ensuing tragedy that we are still suffering. But alas, that was not meant to be.

The above cited are just some of the examples of historical events that we should learn from, but unfortunately, we haven’t learnt from history and history has a habit of repeating itself. Although there certainly are various benefits of supporting federal political parties, including the generation of more funds for different projects in Gilgit-Baltistan, in the long run, a united Gilgit-Baltistani party is the most effective way of safeguarding our sovereignty and ensuring real progress.

Now let’s analyse the challenges that lie before the complete political consciousness of Gilgit-Baltistan. To begin with, the linguistic and ethnic diversity of the region acts as a hindrance and prevents the general population from uniting on one platform and taking a united stance in most political matters. If there is an area ethnically and linguistically homogenous, another factor comes to play its part, further widening the abyss of differences. That factor is Qomiat, or tribal identity. In most parts of our homeland, politics still adheres to the age-old tradition of tribal identity. People are mostly expected to vote a candidate of their own tribe, even if he is not as competent as his opponent. Perhaps the most important challenge to overcome in the region is the lack of, as many people call it, ideological politics. The voters do not vote for a candidate because his ideas and ambitions appeal the most to them, they vote for a candidate who is either their relative, or from their tribe, or from their sect. This non-existence of ideological politics also discourages educated and competent aspirants from entering local politics.

Considering ‘nationalist politics’ as ‘anti-Pakistani politics’ is nothing short of pure ignorance. Rather, I believe that only a pure nationalist can become a real patriot because he knows that for the progress of his country, he must help in the progress of his home first. If everyone in the country was a pure nationalist, working day and night for the betterment of his own land, the country would itself be better spontaneously. A peaceful and thriving Gilgit-Baltistan is indeed directly proportional to a peaceful and thriving Pakistan.

Even though Gilgit-Baltistan becoming fully politically conscious is still far away, there is a certain class of Gilgit-Baltistanis that is stepping up and speaking up about bringing political consciousness to our land. These people say that being a nationalist isn’t being anti-Pakistani,  it is just about loving Gilgit-Baltistan and having the urge to purge away all the inflictions that are hindering Gilgit-Baltistani progress and real freedom. The answers of immediate necessity may lie in siding with the federal political parties, but in the long run, real progress can be brought only via a united front of Gilgit-Baltistanis.